That point is so important that I hesitated to add a distraction but I think it's also worth remembering that the NSA has a defensive role, too.
It's been much neglected in recent decades but the entire country would be better off if the NSA helped patch things. They're hoping some suspected bad guy doesn't get patched but odds are high that many Americans, particularly important IP-heavy businesses, are going to get exploited as well — and given all the reports about how e.g. bin Laden preferred to send messages using trusted couriers, that trade off doesn't seem very good.
Their history has shown a trend toward less and less disclosure over time. Each successive "war" takes longer and longer for things to be declassified.
I've got extremely detailed material in my library published within years of the end of WW1 the sorts of detail I honestly never expect to see again.
The long cold war "taught" them to not trust the public, and the global media environment and the Internet only multiply their concerns.
Even if they have reasons to release... Those are increasingly washed away by their fear. We the public grow to accept "infinite secrecy" inch by inch, it's the Overton Window and sadly it works.
Since you mention decades of experience and information releases...
A book I just read about the history of the KGB and GRU listed techniques they used to unmask CIA spies. Choice stuff. If the cultural atttache has three assistants, and two of them has offices next to the cultural attache but the third has an office in the maximum-security area, which one is the spy? If that third assistant was hired at the age of 33 to an employer that never hires anyone over 31? And did not go through the regular training? And is listed in the State Department's employee list as "Reserve", ie. not a regular officer? And so on. A long and embarrassing list, and it worked for decades. The CIA knew about it in 1964 (probably not in detail) but the Soviets still used thee techniques to unmask three CIA spies per week in 1980.
Maybe the real stupidity was to locate the spies' offices where they were. But the office lists were published, for decades. The employee list was published, including the "Reserve" marking, for decades.
Decades of experience do not automatically confer competence.
> The CIA knew about it in 1964 (probably not in detail) but the Soviets still used thee techniques to unmask three CIA spies per week in 1980.
If you're the CIA and you know the Soviets are using this technique, you don't fix the problem, you use it to your advantage by letting the Soviets unmask the identities of lesser spies while not putting your most important spies on the employee list.
Sacrifice three less-important spies per week? From 1964 to 1989? That must have been some amazingly amazing things they guarded if they were worth that sacrifice.
Whats good for one agency may be bad for another, for example the State Department might like Tor because it facilitates anonymous informants while the NSA might not like it because they can't read your email.
I am not even sure if the NSA's mission extends to defending civilians.
Decades of experience doesn't mean it's the globally-optimal experience. From what has been made public, for example, it really seems like after 9/11 happened everyone got the message very clearly: “never again, no matter the cost”.
There hasn't been any significant counterbalance for protecting the public. This is also something of a new threat analysis model for them: software usually fails completely and globally, whereas there's never been an equivalent where someone in Russia figured out something like how to shutdown every GE industrial generator in the world without physical access. If you are used to thinking of the world in the era before pervasive internet connectivity you're going to underestimate the cost of not fixing something.
Nobody has been fired for keeping information secret or using national security as an excuse to mislead the public and even the Congress, and there's been no penalty for using those laws to conceal mistakes or abuse. That speaks of a culture which values secrecy over almost any other concern.
So, yes, they have decades of experience – but I would argue those are decades of experience with the wrong understanding and incentives.
Of course they don't. Security services don't have experience. People have experience. People are often incompetent. Security services have long, glorious histories of incompetence. Every day, someone with very little experience is having to make decisions.
Here's a similar example. The British armed forces have decades and decades of experience of COIN. Yet they were bloody awful at it for most of the recent Iraq and Afghanistan debacles. The fact that someone who had a job fifty years ago and was good at is it meaningless. It only matters if the person who has the job now is good at it.
Yes. Pretty much everyone I know in such an industry has tunnel-vision on their area and overestimates its importance. They'd end up plastic-wrapping(/suffocating) us to prevent [malware, terrorism, power-grid collapse, etc] if they could - that's their only metric because they spend all day thinking about it.
If you step back and look at terrorism and hacking and traffic fatalities on the same level you can make rational plans to actually help the most people - then assign tasks to the agencies. They certainly can't set their own goals.
So no, I really don't think the NSA has a rational (ie, cost/benefit) balance of attack/defense from our (citizens who want to live long wealthy lives) PoV. It's our job to regulate that.
For the most part, any party the NSA might be interested into is going to be running an OS and an application suite that will also be used by Americans a whole lot. Probably even other government agencies.
So, every zero day they find and weaponize, is a zero day that they don't tell the vendor about. So to be able to be aggressive with exploits, they have to leave American computers exposed too, and hope nobody else has found the exploit. So even with the same budget looking for vulnerabilities, doing the right thing for one of their roles makes them worse for the other.
It's a bit like the encryption problem: An encryption system with a backdoor that the NSA has weakens American security too, because the backdoor itself is a valid intelligence target: Infiltrate the NSA, take the backdoor key, and anything the NSA can snoop into, someone else can too.
So doing both defense and offense without major tradeoffs requires having some kind of edge that nobody else can ever have: For instance, the rumored gigantic cluster that can crack specific SSH communications, which they expect nobody else to be able to replicate, just due to the cost of the hardware. That's a far more limited offense than what we know the NSA had at the time of the Snowden leaks.
So my guess, based on public information, is that they do trade-offs, and disclose the issues that they think are easier to find, while keeping around enough ammunition to have something against pretty much every target.
At least one issue is perception of the NSA by the talented people that the NSA needs to recruit. At the time I graduated CS undergrad in 2010, the NSA was still seen as "Sketchy, but good (and reliable) on the balance." Post-Snowden, views have changed. If the NSA can't do a better job of public relations, nobody is going to want to work for them, and then this defensive work won't be done as well.
The NSA knows little about defense. They keep saying Defense in Depth but even they don't know what that means. Its Security Compliance guys! Defense in depth (Castle Approach) is Security Compliance because the Security Controls are defined in ISO 27002, FEDRAMP, CCM!
Okay, so let's say American businesses can't get hacked so easily by nationstates and have their secrets stolen. Also, Iran has successfully tested a nuclear bomb. Is that the world you'd prefer?
It is indeed possible that if the NSA used a very different strategy with vulnerabilities, Iran might be further along with its nuclear weapons development.
Stuxnet will always be possible. The vulns/trojans just replace having to get someone to knowingly install it.
Or rather, will always be possible until we move to doing protocol and behavior analysis of SCADA commands (as they enter the machine). And that'll just mean it has to get more subtle. If there's a way to do it right, there're more ways to do it wrong.
Typical of what? Obviosity? We've got a poster here claiming that business are "going to" get exploited, and in the meantime, non-theoretically (consider reading the Wikipedia [1] article on "strawman"), the U.S. Govt is making productive use of exploits today.
I think you're misrepresenting what the rule of law means. The rule of law just means we follow codified rules, not the arbitrary whims of an individual. The NSA is, I'm sure, very scrupulous about following the law.
We have repeated proof of the opposite – Congress had to rush to retroactively legalize the mass surveillance programs, and much of what's been disclosed since is clearly unconstitutional.
What they are extremely good at is using security claims to avoid ever having to see a real court. Most of the cases have been thrown out for lack of standing because it's hard to prove that you've been spied on when all of the details are classified.
It is valid to criticize the state secrets defense which keeps the NSA out of court – it's not valid to unilaterally decide what is and is not clearly unconstitutional.
You're correct that it's ultimate up to judges to interpret the law but in this case it's really hard to see the full range of NSA activities surviving a 4th amendment challenge. The recent ruling shows how that's likely to go unless they're allowed to play the national security excuse:
There's a simple rule I use for this: are they trying to prevent a court from discussing the mechanism?
You never see e.g. the FBI trying to argue that it'll endanger national security to acknowledge that they have the technical capacity to wiretap phones because that's clearly legal as long as they have a warrant. They might try to keep specific instances sealed (e.g. mob cases where retaliation is likely) but the capability and process is not secret.
As with the NSA, however, that changes once they exceed their legal authority and you see that when they do things like drop charges against known criminals rather than discuss how they used a Stingray to intercept cell-phone traffic. There's no reason to do that unless you know that the system isn't designed to follow the legal rules and thus would never survive a real court.
Actually, unilaterally deciding what the constitution means is actually how it works. You don't vote to see if you feel it's unfair - you feel it's fair/unfair and so you vote to express that.
The constitution isn't a promise we-the-people made to government, it's how we-the-people define government.
Now it's okay that the NSA employees had different opinions, but what's not okay is that when called on their actions they used their interpretation of the constitution not just as a defense, but as a reason to continue. As if we owe the government its rights instead of the other way around.
Clearly unconstitutional according to anyone who cares about the will of the people they serve as opposed to the letter of the law.
If it were all a matter of interpretation we wouldn't need an actual written constitution.
If it were all up to judges the constitution wouldn't be on display and would be written in Latin or somesuch. But the constitution is public, readable and fairly plain. Now maybe the constitution is outdated. Maybe it should be changed. I don't know that. But from what the constitution reads at this point a number of these measures are manifestly unconstitutional, and it doesn't take a mosque full of Koranic scholars to ascertain that.
> If it were all a matter of interpretation we wouldn't need an actual written constitution.
This is false, given that there is no settled jurisprudence until interpretation happens. If the Constitution said "there may be no dog-walking on Thursday", the constitutionality of dog-walking on Thursday would rest entirely upon the decisions of the judiciary with regards to its constitutionality (and this is important, as the court can functionally ignore provisions of the constitution under accepted judicial doctrine; being lashed to two-hundred-year-old thinking is not an inherent good and so plenty of escape hatches have been created over time).
> But from what the constitution reads at this point a number of these measures are manifestly unconstitutional
You speak imprecisely. You think (and maybe I do, too) that those measures are unconstitutional. Until they are ruled unconstitutional by a court (and the decision upheld on appeal, ruled on by the Supreme Court, etc. etc.), the most you can realistically say is that something might be unconstitutional. That's how checks and balances work--only the judiciary can say one way or the other, and that's by design.
What you have described is the sort of government we have, but it's not one characterized by the rule of law -- or at least not characterized so thoroughly as you imply. If law can be retconned, then we are not ruled by law at all; we are ruled by the ones doing the retconning.
But I think you might be missing my point. The constitution is on display in the nations capital. Copies hang on the walls of courtrooms around the country. It is taught to school children. It is (in theory) the supreme law of the land.
If it were meant strictly for closed door interpretation by qualified individuals I doubt this would be the case. It would be like the bible during the dark ages. Only highly trained and qualified priests would be able to correctly understand it and pass their deciphering on to the masses.
The point is that we live in a democracy. We are entitled to read the agreement we are supposed to be living under and to ascertain that it is (or isn't) being followed. In theory, (if anyone gave a shit), we can then elect people who will appoint judges who actually follow the document rather than weaseling around it for who knows what purpose while keeping the masses in the dark.
Now, maybe the system is in need of overhaul for new times. But that is how it is supposed to work. Don't _ever_ feel you aren't qualified to ascertain an injustice or an infraction of the rules. And please don't suggest others don't have this right either. Down that path lies darkness.
It is a purposely vague document outlining the basic form of government leaving out all important detail and deferring that to said government and courts; it is by design intended to be interpreted by qualified individuals. The notion that it's some clear simple document anyone can read and properly understand is simply contrary to history and contrary to how law operates even back then. It was never the supreme law of the land so much as the supreme framework of the law to be later implemented by the land.
> If it were all a matter of interpretation we wouldn't need an actual written constitution.
That sentence quite literally makes no sense; all writing is a matter of interpretation, writing something down doesn't remove interpretation without great effort; in fact that's what legalese is, an attempt to remove all possible interpretation (which still fails continually; thus judges) and the constitution is not written in that manner because it's a general outline, not an attempt at really creating practical law.
"No Person shall be a Representative who shall not have attained to the Age of twenty five Years, and been seven Years a Citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when elected, be an Inhabitant of that State in which he shall be chosen."
or this?
"All Bills for raising Revenue shall originate in the House of Representatives; but the Senate may propose or concur with Amendments as on other Bills"
or this?
"Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within the United States, or any place subject to their jurisdiction."
Now, I agree in portions such as this:
"The Privilege of the Writ of Habeas Corpus shall not be suspended, unless when in Cases of Rebellion or Invasion the public Safety may require it."
That what comprises "public safety" is open to some degree of interpretation.
But the document, as a whole is not that opaque.
The intent is to be a transparent set of rules. Ones that you and I, as participants in a democracy can view and insist are followed. We can't just say "oh, judges know better" and leave it at that. That isn't a democracy, isn't representative and leads to a very bad place. We have to demand representation and a rule of law. We can't allow the law to be bent to the point it really isn't law anymore. We, as citizens, must be in control of our government. To do that, we must individually be able to read and judge the rules and ascertain if they are or are not being followed. And elect those who agree to uphold rather than subvert the process.
There's plenty vague about those things; by what rules shall the house and senate operate... unspecified and left to the house and senate to figure out just as a thousand other things are. Most of the document is open to interpretation, as is all written word by man anywhere. Even today people can't agree on the meaning of the second amendment.
Just because you can find a few things that seems specific is in no way an argument against my point; I didn't say it had no specifics, I said much of it is vague and intentionally so. The real law of the land is the U.S. Code which is the actual law derived from the framework the constitution lays out. The notion that anyone can understand the constitution is simply wrong; without a correct legal grounding in common law and precedence you have no idea what the constitution actually means or how law is derived from it. Just because you can read a sentence does not mean you understand it the same way everyone else does nor that everyone agrees on what the words mean. That's why we have judges and precedence and a common law foundation, to guide the interpretation in a direction most can agree on.
Many of the rules for the house and senate are specified, very clearly, as well.
Sorry, it isn't a "vague document" nor a "rough guideline". It is very specific on many points. Also, the idea that no one but trained professionals can read or understand if the document is being followed is not only wrong but abhorrent. Certainly, legally the judiciary is to interpret the law for implementation, I don't disagree. But again... we as voters have a right and responsibility to read the rules, to understand the rules, to ascertain if they are being followed and to vote accordingly. The ultimate power, in theory, resides with us, not with "trained professionals". This principal is of extreme importance for our system and seems to be quite often forgotten.
I agree that we as voters vote our interests; I don't, and won't agree that the average joe can read and correctly interpret the constitution and they never will. It is a legal document and understanding it requires more than just the words on the page.
It's common because it's true, whether you choose it accept it or not really doesn't matter, legal documents cannot be understood merely by the words on the page. They exist in a field of precedence and lacking an understanding of the precedence the common person cannot properly understand the intended meaning which whether you see it or not is referencing that precedence.
I'm sorry. You don't need legal training to read and understand most of the Constitution. Much of it is fairly plain and straightforward. Much of the "context" you speak of often comes after the fact. I would suggest rather than trying to beat a worn out point you take half an hour and actually read the document. You can do it... even without a law degree. We can read it.. we can see if it is manifestly being violated, we can vote accordingly. That is the intent. The intent is not that we are governed by an army of lawyers twisting a document into whatever they choose.
Don't play superior, you're not; I've read it more than a few times and worked in law enforcement. You think your interpretation is somehow right while ignoring the reality that reasonable people disagree on the meaning of it and denying they even can. You're blinded by your own ideology. We're done.
I'm sorry you think I'm playing superior. That's not my intent. I'm also sorry you feel as you do. I think I've made my point. You seem to be deliberately ignoring it. You appear to have heard something and are parroting it without thinking about it. I don't think that's the best thing to do. And I agree, we are done.
> <i>If the Constitution said "there may be no dog-walking on Thursday", the constitutionality of dog-walking on Thursday would rest entirely upon the decisions of the judiciary with regards to its constitutionality</i>
What you are asserting is that we are not ruled by written law, but by a judiciary, who feels themselves free to invent "escape hatches" to avoid old commitments now deemed undesirable.
Of course I am. That's by design. The textual literalists of the Constitution are as bad as Biblical ones. Written law informs the interpretation of the judiciary. That's how it's been literally-literally since day one.
On some points interpretation may be needed. On other points it's a stretch. At still other points maybe a stretch to breaking and beyond.
You may not care for literal text, but a lawful society depends on it. Governments just doing whatever they feel is best at the moment aren't generally very robust. There has to be restraint over a judiciary. A limit to how far they can stretch things. Opinions vary on what this limit is, but, back to the original point, some aspects of NSA data collection, from my point of view very clearly exceed this limit as embodied in the constitution.
Probably the real answer is we need an update. A 200 year old document might not be the best guide for modern times. But you can only have authorities claim it is day when it is really night for so long without people starting to suspect corruption. And I think that's where we are at. Sadly.
What if the removed justices sued and the judiciary hearing the case ruled that, in fact, Constitutional provisions be damned, the legislative branch may not remove justices.
Were that to happen, how could you argue that they are wrong?
You effectively can't, because "but the Constitution" is not a method of legal operation in the United States. At that point, you indeed do have a legitimate breakdown in governance. I expect such a situation would cause the kind of crisis that destroys a government.
(I'm not saying I am describing something that is good. I prefer to live in the world of the descriptive when it comes to legal matters, rather than the prescriptive. There are things I want very much to see changed--but I recognize that the process that exists isn't going away.)
The Constitution doesn't say it works this way, and that was the document that was voted on by the representatives of the people. So whoever it was that decided it actually works a totally different way, why should I care what they think?
Then the legislature can make a new law which can nullify a judiciary's decision. Or the executive can just stop arresting people for the crime and then the judiciary never gets a say.
If the old, nullified Constitutional provision said that dog-walking on Thursdays was illegal, what new law is the judiciary supposed to pass to make dog-walking illegal on Thursdays again? If the judiciary is free to impose whatever interpretation on whatever text they want, and then their interpretation is the real law, then there is no law the legislature can pass to change that.
Of course everyone always has the possibility of fighting; civil war is always an option. But if the <i>principle</i> is that the judiciary gets to make law just howsoever it pleases, then one loses the ability to call the government out on anything. It just becomes "that's not what I want" versus "that's not what you want".
Which is where we are at with this surveillance mess. Except that because we have a written Constitution with an explicit method for amendation, instead of an implicit right of amendment by Judiciary, we do have a basis for pointing out that the government is out of bounds and for demanding reform. Reject that and everything becomes legal and there is nothing you can do except complain that you don't like it.
The judiciary doesn't pass laws. The judiciary can choose to nullify a law by choosing "not guilty" for anyone charged under a law that's unjust. The executive can also just not arrest people seen walking their dogs on Thursdays. The legislature could just revoke the law that made it illegal to begin with, then the executive and judiciary have no right to arrest or convict under it anymore – even if the previous precedent was considered sound.
This is how the government works. Yes, transition periods may be sloppy (people may be arrested for walking their dogs), but it will equalize.
Legislature makes an unjust law
The executive can choose to enforce or not to enforce
If the executive enforces, the judiciary can choose not to convict
Let's say for this specific scenario, assuming the surveillance isn't Constitutional (big assumption):
1: Executive begins doing something that's not Constitutional
Judiciary chooses not to convict
Law is nullified and executive will stop enforcing (what would be the point?)
2: Executive begins doing something that's not Constitutional
Judiciary chooses to convict (the law is now officially Constitutional)
Legislature disagrees with convictions and can pass specific laws outlawing the original executive actions, OR revoke the original law which allowed the unconstitutional interpretation
This is all by design. This is how it's meant to work. Just because you don't think it's working in your favor does not mean it's broken.
(First a note: "what new law is the judiciary supposed to pass" was meant to be "what new law is the legislature...".)
I'm not sure we disagree. You seem to be arguing that no one branch is the final arbiter of what is constitutional; that each is allowed its independent opinion. I agree with that. What I was arguing against in this thread is the proposition that the judiciary alone gets to decide what is constitutional and that it gets to do so regardless of what the constitution actually says.
You ended with "This is all by design. This is how it's meant to work," which is a claim that only makes sense if we have a system where the constitution actually means something and its meaning is binding. If the judiciary is free to redefine the constitution however they want, then we are not living under a government that has a design or a correct way to work.
I agree with the definition of 'the rule of law' you have given, however the point the above user was making is that government secrecy fundamentally undermines the rule of law since if no one knows what you are doing no one can determine if you are breaking the law.
Its like trying to referee a football game while locked in a windowless basement 1000 miles away. The only information you get is that at half time a note is slipped under the door reading "No one has broken the rules".
Ha. I think we have established that such a silly distinction is clearly not relevant. What about the illegals in the country? Are they subject to being targeted? How about their illegal children born in the commission of a crime? Those aren't Americans, so they can be targeted? Remember, we wisely suspended the Posse Comitatus